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In pictures: Ahmadinejad's crisis at home
The petitions kiosk outside President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's
home in Teheran, set up as a hotline to Iran's self-described
"humblest servant", receives all kinds of requests. | |  | Petrol stations were torched by youths
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Yet amid the pleas for help with debts and joblessness, and
tussles with Iran's byzantine bureaucracy, there is one letter
that the men at the counter particularly remember.
"A woman asked if Mr Ahmadinejad could find her a good
husband," said one proudly. "It shows how popular he is -
you would only request something like that if you really felt
he'd become part of your family." In this particular case, the president's office replied that
it was beyond his powers - a rare admission of defeat from a leader
whose personality cult rivals that of Iran's "supreme
leader", Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Yet last week, two years after his election to power on a promise
to help Iran's downtrodden masses, Mr Ahmadinejad, 49, finally
learnt the downside of the demagogic approach - namely, that running
a country of 69 million inhabitants as a one-man band involves
taking blame as well as credit. The issue was not over his notorious threats to "wipe Israel
off the map", his defiance on Iran's nuclear programme,
nor his puritanical desire to return to the early days of the
Islamic revolution. Instead, the man who considers himself on a
divine mission was floundering because of his inability to minister
to one of his flock's most basic needs: petrol. On Tuesday, a proclamation from his palace suddenly imposed a fuel
ration of three litres (0.6 gallons) a day, a move designed to
stockpile supplies because of fears of United Nations sanctions. Within hours his name was being cursed, as motorists clashed with
riot police at fuel stations and set garage forecourts ablaze. "Without fuel I cannot earn," said the driver of a
battered saloon car who had finally reached the head of a long queue
for petrol. He was a shopkeeper who, like many residents of Teheran,
supplements a meagre income by moonlighting as a cabbie.
"Ahmadinejad is an ass. This is not what he promised the
ordinary man." The protests, the most open sign of discontent with Mr
Ahmadinejad's rule since he took office in 2005, were
accompanied by a stream of text-messaged jokes, which often serve as
a vent for Iranians' suppressed frustrations. "On the
orders of President Ahmadinejad," read one, "those who are
short of petrol can have a ride on the 17 million donkeys who voted
for him." For a man whose key election promise was to "put the oil
income on people's tables", there could scarcely be a more
symbolic failure than the imposition of fuel rationing. Heavily
state-subsidised, petrol normally costs less than bottled drinking
water at about 1,000 rials (5p) a litre, and most Iranians regard it
with a sense of entitlement. The government, admittedly, has long threatened to introduce such
measures, pointing out that such generous subsidies encourage
wasteful usage and exacerbate the choking fumes on Teheran's
streets. Now, however, the fuel restrictions are seen as the latest
example of how hardship has grown under Mr Ahmadinejad. The fear of UN sanctions following Iran's refusal to stop
uranium enrichment means that foreign investment in the country has
waned, hampering the president's ability to deliver on his
pledge to slash unemployment. His response, a big, state-directed
jobs and welfare programme using earnings from record oil revenues,
has led to inflation soaring to 40 per cent. Only weeks ago, 50 senior Iranian economists wrote an open letter
warning that the president's policies were hurting the people
he had vowed to help - the poor. It was the second such missive in a
year, yet it is no surprise that it seems to have fallen on deaf ears. Mr Ahmadinejad recently removed one of the government's main
economic planning units, replacing qualified technocrats with his
own acolytes. And in any case, he prefers to rely on the economic
wisdom of "common men" like himself. "We have hard-working shopkeepers in our neighbourhood from
whom I get important economic information," he told Iranian
newspapers recently. "For example, there is an honourable
butcher in our neighbourhood who is aware of all the problems." |